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David Horovitz: Donï¿½t Avenge Us, Protect Us

Have we become like two weary fighters, neither prepared to back down, locked in a battle to the death? Do we lash out at each other, blinded by the blood that is flowing into our eyes, with our own pain overwhelmed by our determination to inflict more agony on our adversary?

Many times in the last few weeks, as the intifada has deepened mercilessly again, I have heard the word "revenge" used by news correspondents describing the latest horrific development -- this bombing carried out in revenge for that assassination, this missile strike ordered to avenge that shooting attack.

And, bitterly, I have become thoroughly familiar with the evidence from the Palestinian side that, for many ordinary people, their agonies are indeed outweighed by their hatred for us. I have watched the chilling footage from Palestinian funeral processions, at which masked men with megaphones, cheered on by thousands of marchers, scream their threats to "open the doors to hell" for all Israelis, and tell our prime minister he had better "prepare the coffins." When a suicide bomber has "successfully" killed our innocents as they sip their coffee, I have seen the celebratory parades in the Gaza Strip and elsewhere, assault rifles fired into the air with delight at the murders of our men, women and children. And while I cannot say how large a proportion of the Palestinian public identify with such sentiments, I have read survey after survey, month after month, appallingly, showing majority support for suicide bombings.

But I do not believe the Israeli public is similarly motivated. I see no festive street marches in Israel when a missile attack, aimed at a terrorist chief, kills innocent bystanders. I see no support to speak of for extremist vigilantism against Arabs. I watch scenes of heart-wrenching sorrow at Israel funerals, where thousands upon thousands sob helplessly at the ungodly acts of murder, and no one, but no one, screams threats of a bloody response. And I read surveys that show most Israelis aspire to coexistence alongside a peaceful Palestine.

No, Israelis are not looking for revenge in this conflict. We want it to end, and most want it to end in an equitable settlement that will allow us to live our lives unthreatened in our country, and the Palestinians to do the same in theirs.

I hope that the Israeli government is acting in that interest now, in our best interests, and that its decision to "remove" Yasser Arafat at a time of Israelï¿½s choosing is a case of considered political pragmatism and not the wild, vengeful haymaker of a faltering, outmaneuvered heavyweight. It was disturbing to learn, after all the claims of unanimity among the security chiefs in the days leading up to the fateful cabinet meeting at which Arafatï¿½s ouster was proclaimed, that both the Chief of Staff, Moshe Yaï¿½alon, and the head of the Shin Bet Security Service, Avi Dichter (who reportedly favors killing Arafat over expelling him), ultimately counseled against the move at this juncture. At first glance, it looked worryingly as though Israel, as so often in the past three years, had taken a declarative decision it might not be able to implement, undermining its own longstanding effort to marginalize Arafat, catapulting him to new heights of popularity, generating yet greater Palestinian hostility and massive international opprobrium, while gaining none of the perceived benefit.

Still, while Arafatï¿½s departure will by no means guarantee a dramatic improvement, I share the widely held conviction that the conflict cannot possibly be resolved so long as he casts his malevolent shadow. The evidence of the past three years allows for no other conclusion: his rejection of the Barak-Clinton diplomatic overtures; his relentless encouragement of "martyrdom"; his payments to known murderers; the Karine A arms shipment; the thwarting of prime minister Mahmud Abbasï¿½s efforts to end the armed intifada; the immediate, emphatic neutering of Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei. Perhaps Israel, in declaring its eventual intention to remove him, has now prepared the international community for such action, and therefore made it ultimately more palatable, and perhaps, though there is no indication of this, a viable post-Arafat strategy is in place. It has been suggested to me, furthermore, that the carefully worded cabinet decision was made in coordination with the Bush Administration, which intimated an eventual readiness to assent to Arafatï¿½s ouster.

Militarily, he has always acted well within the national consensus, but Prime Minister Ariel Sharon does not inspire the greatest confidence. He has scandalously dragged his feet over building a fence that, while no complete panacea, would thwart most of the bombers and so might have spared hundreds of lives by now. He has acknowledged the untenability of the current occupation, but followed no logical consequent blueprint for allocating our dwindling resources only to those parts of Greater Israel he believes must be retained. And while he should not be faulted for releasing fewer Palestinian prisoners than Abbas had demanded -- quite the contrary; the two men who carried out September 9ï¿½s savage bombings at Tsrifin and Cafï¿½ Hillel were both arrested last year and freed after a few weeks -- he certainly should be faulted for capitulating to settlers at illegal outposts. I hope he knows what he is doing, now, with Yasser Arafat. Bruised and bloodied though we are, Israel has to stay clear-headed. This is not about revenge. This is about keeping us alive.